Elections are not gender neutral. There are several factors in the electoral process that have a different influence on women vs men. In this chapter, some of these factors are discussed.

1. Electoral systems

The type of electoral system in place can have a major impact on the number of women elected to office. According to data and analyses, more women are likely to be elected in countries with proportional representation (or party-list) systems than in countries with majority (or first-past-the-post) systems. This is an essential consideration when designing electoral systems.

• Proportional representation electoral system (PR)

In PR system, each party sets a list of many candidates for each constituency. In some countries, voters choose the party that they like and give their vote for the whole list – not a particular member on the list. The candidates are then elected in the order of their position in the list. This is called the closed list system, and has the disadvantage that the parties choose the order of the candidates on the list, hence the voter cannot influence which candidates exactly are voted in. To ensure transparency and access to information, it is important that parties make the order of the candidates on the list public.

In other countries, voters choose a candidate that they want to see as an MP, and their vote benefits this one candidate and, at the same time, the whole party. In this system, voters can influence the order in which the candidates are elected. This discourages for example nepotism. The seats are assigned in proportion to the percentage of votes that parties win. This is called the open list system.

As parties in open list system can nominate many candidates in each constituency, they are likely to pick people as candidates who represent various groupings in the society (youth and elderly, women and men, etc) in order to be more appealing to the voters. Thus, it is easier for women to become candidates in an open list PR system. There are arguments, though, that closed lists are better in muting the cultural bias against women as the voters vote for the party, not the candidate. This argument assumes that the closed list is representative of all genders.

However, PR voting system gives small parties less chance of being represented. This might mean that the elected legislature might not truly reflect the entire electorate.  

• “First past the post” system (FPTP)

In the British, FPTP majority system, which is also the system used in Myanmar, each party has only one candidate in each constituency (the constituencies are usually smaller than in countries which use proportional systems). In this electoral system, each singular candidate has much more weight than in other systems. It is up to her or him, and no-one else, whether the party will win his/her constituency or not. The winning candidate is the one who gains more votes than any other candidate in the constituency, even if this is not an absolute majority (over 50 per cent) of valid votes.

FPTP makes it much harder for women to become MPs: first the woman, who is thinking of entering politics, must convince herself that she would be the best MP for her constituency. Then she must convince the party selection committee that she, and no-one else, will be the best candidate for her party for the constituency. This is usually tough as candidate selection committees usually do not like taking risks: if earlier on men have been selected, it’s usually considered as a good strategy for the future, too. After the aspiring woman has managed to convince the party selection committee of her competence, she still must convince the voters, some of whom may be conservative and prefer men.

Due to the reasons above, in countries with the FPTP system there are fewer female MPs than in countries with the proportional system. Despite this, some parties in countries with the FPTP have managed to greatly increase the number of women being elected. The trick is to nominate women as candidates in those constituencies which the party trusts it will win. For example, in the UK the British Labour Party has managed to change completely the gender ratio of its MPs. As of April 2019, 47% of the Labour MPs are women. In the Conservative party there have been no such special measures to increase the number of women, and only 20% of the MPs are women. In FPTP system, the parties themselves have thus more power to influence the gender balance.

• There are also a few other electoral systems such as the mixed-member proportional representation system, additional member system etcetera.

A summary of some of the electoral systems as per classification by the International IDEA[1] is found below:

Two-Round System (TRS)

The Two-Round System is a plurality/majority system in which a second election is held if no candidate or party achieves a given level of votes, most commonly an absolute majority (over 50 per cent) in the first election round. A Two-Round System may take a plurality/majority form—more than two candidates contest the second round and the one who wins the highest number of votes in the second round is elected, regardless of whether they have won an absolute majority—or a majority run-off form—only the top two candidates in the first round contest the second round.

Parallel Systems

A Parallel System is a mixed system in which the choices expressed by the voters are used to elect representatives through two different systems— one List PR system and (usually) one plurality/majority system—but where no account is taken of the seats allocated under the plurality/ majority system in calculating the results in the List PR system.

Mixed Member Proportional (MMP)

Mixed Member Proportional is a mixed system in which the choices expressed by the voters are used to elect representatives through two different systems—one (most often) a plurality/majority system, usually in single-member districts, and the other a List PR system. The PR seats are awarded to compensate for any disproportionality in the results from the plurality/majority system.

Block Vote (BV)

Block Vote is a plurality/majority system used in multi-member districts. Electors have as many votes as there are candidates to be elected. The candidates with the highest vote totals win the seats. Usually, voters vote for candidates rather than parties. In most systems, they may use as

many or as few of their votes as they wish.

Limited Vote (LV)

Limited Vote is a candidate-centred electoral system used in multimember districts in which electors have more than one vote, but fewer votes than there are candidates to be elected. The candidates with the highest vote totals win the seats.

Single Non-Transferable Vote (SNTV)

Under the Single Non-Transferable Vote system, voters cast a single vote in a multi-member district. The candidates with the highest vote totals are declared elected. Voters vote for candidates rather than political parties.

Party Block Vote (PBV)

This is a plurality/majority system using multi-member districts in which voters cast a single party-centred vote for a party of choice and do not choose between the candidates. The party with the most votes wins every seat in the electoral district.

Alternative Vote (AV)

The Alternative Vote is a preferential plurality/majority system used in single-member districts. Voters use numbers to mark their preferences on the ballot paper. A candidate who receives an absolute majority (over 50 per cent) of valid first-preference votes is declared elected. If no candidate achieves an absolute majority of first preferences, the least successful candidates are eliminated and their votes reallocated according to their second preferences until one candidate has an absolute majority. Voters vote for candidates rather than political parties.

Single Transferable Vote (STV)

The Single Transferable Vote is a preferential system in which the voter ranks the candidates in a multi-member district and the candidates that surpass a specified electoral quota3 of first-preference votes are immediately elected. In successive counts, votes are then redistributed (based on second and lower preferences) from the least successful candidates, who are eliminated, and votes surplus to the electoral quota are redistributed from successful candidates until sufficient candidates are declared elected. Voters normally vote for candidates rather than political parties, although a party-list option is possible.

Borda Count (BC)

Borda Count is a candidate-centred preferential system used in either single- or multi-member districts. Voters use numbers to mark their preferences on the ballot paper and each preference marked is then assigned a value, using equal steps. These are summed and the candidate(s) with the highest total(s) is/are declared elected.

Other aspects of election systems including types of candidate lists, district magnitude,

and threshold levels can significantly affect women’s electoral prospects as well. Many countries have adopted special measures such as candidate quotas or reserved seats to increase the number of women elected. When properly implemented, these measures can be effective tools for promoting women’s participation in electoral processes.

It seems that list PR systems with large districts tend to provide the most favourable conditions for the election of women as opposed to while many of the single-member district systems. There are, however, no single electoral system that is automatically most favorable to women.

2. Elections

In addition to the informal and formal factors like traditions, violence and finance, there are many other obstacles to women’s equal participation in elections.

• Candidate selection: In addition to lack of procedures enhancing the candidacy of women, restrictions regarding candidacy can be also built in the political structures.  There can be minimum criteria for eligibility and​ candidacy restrictions based on for example on educational qualifications, while it is known that access to education can be more limited to women than for men.

For example, in Zambia, the 2016 constitutional amendments set a requirement for everyone seeking elective public office to have, as a minimum qualification, a grade twelve certificate or its equivalent. This means they should have completed their secondary education. This is discriminatory towards aspiring women candidates, as the proportion of boys who have completed secondary education is higher than girls.

Good questions to ask around the candidate selection process are for example if the candidate selection process is transparent, what are the rules and procedures governing it, and are the procedures regarding the selection mentioned in the party statutes. If the process is decentralized and if there is internal voting involved in the selection process are also things to consider in the selection process. The timeframe for the selection process and means of publishing information about it also play a role.

• Voter registration. In almost all countries, voters must be registered and appear on voter lists to be eligible to participate in elections. The accuracy and inclusiveness of the lists are central elements in ensuring women’s full participation. Whatever system is used for voter registration, the lists should be compiled in a manner that is clear and transparent, and voters should have an easy way to check for mistakes and correct inaccuracies. In many post-conflict countries, there are major problems with the voter lists because of the large numbers of refugees and internally displaced persons. Since women tend to make up majority of displaced persons in most circumstances, they will be disproportionately disadvantaged if this problem is not addressed.
• Voter education. Voter education can be a critical factor in enhancing women’s participation in elections, particularly in post-conflict countries in which women have not traditionally played an active role in the electoral process. In the broadest sense, voter education includes the dissemination of basic information on voting rights, the political system, candidates and issues, as well as specific information on where and how to vote.
• Election administration. The practical aspects of administering an election can have an important impact on women’s participation. Election management bodies should operate independently, impartially and transparently. Boards at all levels should include women as part of their membership and leadership.
• Election observation. Election observation is a valuable tool for enhancing the transparency of the electoral process and increasing public confidence in election results. Specialized election observation efforts can be designed to focus exclusively on the role of women in elections.
• Resources and opportunities for female candidates:  Several aspects affect the success of female candidates in elections.  They might have less access campaign finances and/or other forms of support compared to their male colleagues. It has been observed that women rely more on the social capital of their family networks, and often don’t have sufficient access to political networks. In addition, due to for example the double burden of care work at home or other social restrictions, they might not be able to attend all public and election happenings. The media might not cover female candidates in a balanced way, and they usually come across harassment, violence and discrimination (LINK to chapter 8).

Post-conflict societies often present additional obstacles to women’s equal participation in elections. The presence of military groups might create volatile security situations. The institutions for the protection and enforcement of women’s political rights can be inadequate. In addition, women are often excluded from the peace negotiations and consultations held to determine for example the type and details of the electoral process.

Sources:

Asian Development Bank / United Nations (2016): Gender Equality and Women’s Rights in Myanmar. A Situation Analysis.

Demo Finland and NIMD (2019): Guidelines for Political Parties in Myanmar. Gender Equality: A Shortcut to Development and Prosperity

Demo Finland (2019): Better in Politics: A Female Politician’s Guide towards Knowledge and Empowerment.

Demo Finland: 10 years of supporting women's political participation in Zambia. https://demofinland.org/en/10-years-of-supporting-and-strengthening-womens-political-participation-in-zambia/. Accessed 26^th January 2024.

Demo Finland internal materials.

International Idea (2007) Designing for Equality: Best-fit, medium-fit and non-favourable combinations of electoral systems and gender quotas.

Phiri, Christopher: The Right to Run for Election in Zambia: A Preserve of the “Educated” Class? In: Journal of African Law, 66, 3 (2022), 419–438.

Women’s Learning Partnership For Rights, Development, and Peace (WLP) (2010): A Political Participation Handbook for Women.